On January 17, 1972, a report titled "Great Man or Rabble-Rouser" was published in the world-renowned Time Magazine. The report stated, "It is not yet clear whether Mujib is more profound than his stirring rhetoric. His political success so far is due largely to his ability to marshal public opinion in East Bengal by blaming all of its troubles on its former rulers in West Pakistan. He has a tendency to make extravagant promises, and to oversimplify complex economic and agricultural problems. "My brothers," he once told a gathering of East Pakistani jute farmers, "do you know that the streets of Karachi are paved with gold, and that it is done with your money earned from exporting jute?"

Time Magazine used the term "rabble-rouser," meaning someone who excites the public with emotional language for political purposes. Whether the road to Karachi is truly paved with gold or if it was said to stir public opinion remains unclear. After independence, the establishment of BAKSAL and its political failure made the Time Magazine headline even more relevant. The political history of Bengal over the past 100 years is not much different. Similar titles could easily apply to other great leaders before independence. Political movements and unrest have always been sparked by stirring public opinion here. However, after each movement, public expectations and the possibility of state-building collapsed. As a result, new chaos is always on the horizon.

After uprisings and revolutions, countries usually reach a point of emptiness. Opportunities arise for working objectively in nation and state building, with leaders emerging who will prioritize the country's interests over personal or party gains. However, looking at Bangladesh's history, after major political events in 1947, 1971, and 1990, leaders have focused more on partisanship rather than state-building. As a result, efforts to reform the state have strengthened political interests. In an unreformed state, fascist party powers have emerged, requiring uprisings and bloodshed once again. It seems that Bangladesh's state-building process is stuck in a vicious cycle. Agriculture, health, and education development are needed to make a country rise. An independent judiciary and a strong election commission are also essential. In an agricultural country like Bangladesh, the agricultural situation is still precarious. The internal healthcare system has not earned public trust. Educational progress has only reached textbook changes. The industrial situation is not stable either. For example, the ready-made garment industry accounts for 80 percent of the country's export income. However, this sector is labor-dependent, and workers' skills are globally low. Hence, despite a large workforce, export earnings remain small. This also results in lower wages for workers. The raw materials for garments depend on imports. Bangladesh has not yet achieved true industrialization, especially in heavy industries. Transformation in large and heavy industries has not happened. On the other hand, remittances sent by expatriates are also based on cheap labor. Despite many workers abroad, remittance income is low because many work at lower wages due to a lack of skills. In the age of artificial intelligence (AI), relying on cheap labor is not wise. The institutional labor market in the country is small, and most people still work in the informal sector. Despite seven decades of post-colonial freedom, Bangladesh cannot create a stable vision for state-building. Instead, society continues to face one turmoil after another.

It is not that no reform measures were taken in the state system after 1947. During the Pakistan era, Ayub Khan's government initiated significant agricultural reforms. His directive was that no farm could be smaller than 12.5 acres or larger than 500 acres. As a result, small farmers formed joint farms, and large farmers redistributed land, increasing productivity in both cases. The establishment of new schools and colleges and changes in textbook policies also had a positive impact. These initiatives led to the development of a new, educated middle class in the country. Later, this middle class played a key role in Ayub Khan's downfall. After Bangladesh gained independence, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman failed to establish a strong foundation for the new state. However, during his rule, he emphasized energy independence and security. He purchased five gas fields from foreigners despite foreign exchange shortages and laid the foundation for energy security. The establishment of Petrobangla, the Petroleum Act, and the official taken-over of the U.S. government's "ESSO Eastern Inc. " helped develop the oil and gas sector.

After coming to power, Ziaur Rahman realized that full employment within the country was not possible. He focused on sending workers to the Middle East and facilitating higher education abroad for young people, which was successful. Zia's initiatives, such as the canal-digging program, were far-reaching, especially for an agricultural-based Bangladesh. His plans for village government and the rural economy were hopeful for the nation. Under Ershad's rule, the formation of village governments and health policies positively impacted the country's legal and health sectors. However, all of these efforts were isolated. Overall, no reliable foundation was created for the permanent structure of the country's state framework.

In 1947, the people of this country gained freedom from colonial rule. Leaders like Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, Mawlana Bhasani, and Sher-e-Bangla AK Fazlul Huq were involved in this movement. However, they had already been key political figures in Bengal at least a decade before the creation of Pakistan. They were the ones who promoted the Pakistani movement. However, after Pakistan was formed, political conflicts disrupted all efforts for state-building. The instability of the 1950s did not lessen in the 1960s. Instead, new forms of unrest began. Pakistani leaders started prioritizing ideals over competence. As a result, unqualified people took control of various institutions.

The same situation occurred after the independence of Bangladesh in 1971. After two decades of political struggle, independence was achieved. But instead of focusing on nation-building, the struggle for power and dominance began. Ideological conflicts and competition took precedence over building the nation's infrastructure. For example, a conflict arose between Sirajul Alam Khan and Sheikh Fazlul Haque Mani after independence. The country began heading toward disaster. This conflict was not limited to personal rivalry but spread to their supporters. The clash became permanent after the defeat of Siraj's group in the 1972 Awami League council election. The pro-Mujib and anti-Mujib groups came face-to-face. When Sheikh Mujibur Rahman supported Sheikh Mani, the group became more aggressive. Amid this intense rivalry, the political organization Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) was born. In the unstable politics of the 1970s, JSD was a major catalyst. One outcome of the institutionalization of politics after independence was the 1974 famine. It wasn't just the U.S. non-cooperation or the hoarding by traders; the conservative approach of the Ministry of Food was also responsible. When unqualified people were placed in important positions instead of focusing on the state structure, dangerous consequences followed. This political process after independence led Sheikh Mujib toward BAKSAL.

After independence, a major question arose: the inclusion of freedom fighters in the armed forces and administration. This issue was raised by India's former influential bureaucrat, Krishnaswamy Subrahmanyam, who played a key role in shaping India's security and foreign policy. He was an important figure in India's decision-making during the Bangladesh Liberation War. His view was that the birth of the freedom fighters was to end militarism. After that goal was achieved, their dissolution was the right course. This was to prevent anyone from using their glory to destroy the future of democracy. He warned that using the freedom fighters' name and legitimacy could lead to the establishment of militarism and fascism again. The freedom fighters fought from an ideological standpoint, while the army's responsibility was to be evenly distributed in layers. There was a clear difference between the two. Subrahmanyam feared that integrating the freedom fighters into the army or interfering in the military would create complications. In reality, this is what happened. After independence, the position and activities of the freedom fighters became a major issue for the government. Evidence of this can be seen in the dissatisfaction within the military and subsequent events. Dutch journalist and researcher Peter Custers, who was in Bangladesh at that turbulent time, claimed that junior army officers were responsible for the murder of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Because Mujib had become a dictator. However, did the junior officers' rule bring a permanent solution after the murder of Mujib? The answer came in the form of another coup on November 3. Peter Casters said, "Neither the first nor the second coup of 1975 was inspired by social liberation."

This is why Colonel Taher's name emerged on November 7. He drew inspiration from the British-Indian Sepoy Revolt, the Bolshevik Revolution, and the Velvet Revolution. He had the ability to inspire people but began spreading socialist ideals within the army, which inevitably led to negative consequences. The soldiers' rebellion on November 7 was expected to bring freedom to the people. But did social liberation truly come?

Before 1947, there was an absence of a Bengali bourgeois class. Marwari Hindus mainly controlled business and trade. After the partition of the country, non-Bengali Muslims took control of the economy. Was economic freedom achieved in 1971? Instead, state-owned institutions were politicized, and personal or party interests took priority over state-building. Economist Rehman Sobhan, in his book "The Crisis of Bourgeois State," discussed the economic crisis in Bangladesh. Around 1976, the government started providing long-term capital from state institutions to create a capitalist class. Due to the underdeveloped nature of the bourgeois class, political involvement in loan distribution, and state corruption, these loans turned into default loans. As a result, financial institutions that were supposed to assist in development were destroyed. This culture of default gradually spread to commercial banks. During the leadership of Ziaur Rahman, Ershad, Khaleda Zia, and Sheikh Hasina, there was no solution to the looting of banks. However, one of the most important responsibilities in modern state reform is to protect state capital and prevent its plunder.

The 1990 uprising brought new opportunities for Bangladesh. The resignation of military ruler Ershad and the movement to establish a democratic government intensified. BNP leader Khaleda Zia raised the issue of Bangladesh's sovereignty, especially the water distribution of the Ganges, against Indian dominance. Sheikh Hasina focused on a parliamentary system of government. On February 27, 1991, elections were held. At this time, the economy began moving from state control to a free-market system. This led to unnecessary privatization in some areas while small entrepreneurs grew into larger ones. Many small and medium entrepreneurs emerged. The stock market saw an influx of active investors. Wholesale and retail classes also developed quickly. However, there were no reforms in the fundamental structure of state-building. In 2007-08, uncertainty returned. During the two years of the military-supported caretaker government, no fundamental changes were made to the state structure. After the elections, the new government established a fascist system for the next one and a half decades. Over these years, the Election Commission was ineffective, and the judiciary's independence was non-existent. The conditions of education and health remained unchanged. Question leaks in public exams, university admission, and job exams became common. There were also stories of bribes and illegal financial transactions in institutional appointments, transfers, and approvals. Politically influential professors disrupted the quality of higher education. In primary education, the country had 8-9 different education systems. Students had weak general knowledge, math, English, and language skills. Many university graduates remained unemployed due to a lack of proper skills. The previous government was focused on looting while wasting the country's human resources. A large number of people seeking medical care were heading abroad. The country's passport is one of the weakest in the world. In huge mega-projects, massive corruption occurred, most of which now burden the economy. Beyond that, extrajudicial killings, bank looting, and corruption scandals were prevalent. However, in its 76-year history, the Awami League has always raised rights and social justice issues when in opposition or during movements.

Despite being active in movements, why our leaders fail to overcome their limitations after assuming power could be a subject of research. This is why, even though many leaders have come and gone in the last 100 years, the marginalized people, who are content with three meals a day, are easily forgotten by the head of government, political parties, and state structures.

In his research paper on African politics, German researcher and politician Joy Asongezoh Alemazung showed how leadership flaws create obstacles to democratic environments and governance. People can reduce leadership flaws by putting aside personal interests for national needs. In this case, mutual understanding is required. When the government creates supporters through special privileges, social freedom is halted. Public freedom gets trapped in bureaucratic chains. In the third world, corrupt leadership and the rise of a sycophantic class negatively affect the democratic structure, making institutions ineffective. Another crisis in the third world is turning leadership into a family inheritance. When family ties take precedence over qualifications, flawed leadership is inevitable. Since 1947, leaders have used the Constitution to extend their power rather than focusing on national progress and social freedom.

Every movement is primarily the result of a united effort from multiple parties. National reconstruction is possible with a mindset of compromise from all sides. It is difficult to govern a country with the belief that one's words are final or by issuing ultimatums. One party may indeed have more or less involvement in a movement than another. However, if someone's will is placed above everything and proposals from others are dismissed, the outcome will lead to the same situation the nation has been trapped in for the last fifteen years. Fascism prevails socially before it becomes politically visible. "My word is final"- this kind of mentality is the foundation of fascism. Many countries damaged by World War II are now among the wealthiest and most developed. In 1950, the average income per person globally was 3,300 dollars. By 2021, it had increased to 23,380 dollars. In wealthy countries, this income is nearly 50,000 dollars. Bangladesh's per capita income today is still less than the global average in 1950. A notable example of economic progress is South Korea. It is now 32 times wealthier than it was in the 1950s. In terms of income, it is now a developed nation. With its vast land and population, China has become 16 times wealthier than in 1950. This transformation occurred due to a sincere desire to change the state's economy. Instead of political conflict, they implemented long-term steps and plans to strengthen the economy. They quickly changed their national situation by focusing on increasing domestic production and exports. They also emphasized utilizing human and mineral resources and establishing the rule of law. Creating a united, peaceful society and state is impossible without a strong economy and ensuring the fulfillment of people's basic needs.

During Pakistan's rule, the people of this land struggled against the centralization of power and resources. This struggle led to the birth of independent Bangladesh. However, in the vision of the new state, the policies of Pakistan's rulers were largely followed. The centralization of power and resources has created a major obstacle to the overall development of Bangladesh. Instead of widespread development, a system focused on "me and my close associates" was established. Meanwhile, the sudden rise of material wealth and luxurious mansions, alongside the 90 percent of people living content with just two meals a day, has disrupted social harmony. A mentality of envy and rivalry has created anxiety and insecurity for the future. If this continues, Bangladesh may once again face the premature death of its potential and stumble in its journey toward the right path. The major inspiration behind the August 5 uprising was a new Bangladesh, not one based on "me and my close associates' country."

Dewan Hanif Mahmud, Editor of Bonik Barta

[Ahmed Din Rumi contributed to the writing]