Advocate Ruhul Kabir Rizvi is the BNP’s acting secretary-general and a member of its standing committee. He also serves as Prime Minister Tarique Rahman’s political adviser and adviser to the Ministry of Industries, both with ministerial rank. During the Awami League administration, whose activities are now banned, Rizvi was a prominent figure who helped articulate the party’s programmes and stance in the media despite sustained political pressure. Ahead of the BNP’s 48th founding anniversary, he spoke to Bonik Barta about some of the most closely watched chapters and developments in the country’s politics. The interview was conducted by Anika Mahjabin.
More than six months have elapsed since the BNP formed the government. The government set out several programmes to be delivered within the first 180 days. Did you take any distinct steps to reorganise the party during the period?
The party and the government are entirely distinct entities. The commitments made by BNP Chairman and Prime Minister Tarique Rahman are set out in the party’s election manifesto and its 31-point programme. Prior to that, our primary objective had been to implement the “Vision 2030” set out by the late Prime Minister Khaleda Zia.
I believe most of what was anticipated in the first six months has been achieved. Full implementation, however, is a five-year undertaking. Only at the end of the government’s term will we evaluate how fully the goals of the Family Card and Farmer Card schemes have been realised. Under the prime minister’s dynamic leadership, these programmes are progressing rapidly.
Many observers argue that the BNP has yet to draw a clear line between the party and the government. What is your view?
I don’t agree. In a democracy, the responsibility of governance falls to representatives of the party chosen by the electorate. Those elected as MPs or appointed as ministers are, after all, party leaders. They cannot simply be severed from the party, and they must also remain involved in organisational activities within their constituencies.
However, a distinct cadre of leaders is responsible for managing the party’s day-to-day affairs. They monitor party matters and oversee organisational work around the clock. We, too, are doing this full-time, with leaders serving as joint secretary-general, vice-chairman and in other organisational posts.
Was the decision not to nominate you for the 13th parliamentary election part of an effort to reorganise the party?
Whether I was nominated was entirely a matter for the party. Perhaps it didn’t consider me suitable at the time. But as senior joint secretary-general, I held a key position in the party, and my primary responsibility was to safeguard its image. A strong public standing builds support, and that popularity is what enables a party to win elections and assume power. We have witnessed that across three generations.
The public has consistently viewed the standing, track record and principled stance of the proclaimer of independence President Ziaur Rahman, national leader Khaleda Zia and now Tarique Rahman favourably. None of them ever reneged on their commitments to the public.
President Ziaur Rahman established his legacy as a statesman and stepped forward at a critical juncture in the nation’s history. On the night of March 25, Dhaka was subject to a brutal crackdown and genocide. At that moment, an army major declared independence. He was not involved in politics; he was a career soldier. He made the announcement because the political leadership had reached no decision. He assumed an immense responsibility at a pivotal moment in history.
Later, on November 7, 1975, an uprising brought him to power with the backing of the military and the public. The BNP subsequently gained widespread support due to his positive contributions.
The BNP also played a pivotal role in the 1990 mass uprising...
Whether during the Liberation War, November 7 or the 1990 mass uprising, the BNP and its leadership stood with the public at every critical juncture in the nation’s history. The BNP had not yet been established in 1971. But President Ziaur Rahman’s historic act of declaring independence became a foundational legacy for the party.
After founding the BNP, he restored press freedom and multi-party democracy, which had been suppressed under BAKSAL. He also laid the foundations for economic self-reliance by excavating canals to combat famine, boosting agricultural yields and creating overseas employment opportunities.
His vision of Bangladeshi nationalism sought to safeguard independence, reinforce sovereignty and secure multi-party democracy. Despite relentless attempts by the former fascist regime to erase it, that vision endured. That’s why the BNP will remain relevant for as long as the state itself endures.
Khaleda Zia carried Ziaur Rahman’s principles forward without compromise. She endured repeated attempts to break her resolve through state repression and persecution, while her son was also targeted. Under the Ershad regime, she was repeatedly placed under house arrest. Yet none of this could force Khaleda Zia to retreat from her unyielding stance or the pledges she had made to the public.
Sheikh Hasina subsequently came to power in 2009 through a series of political machinations and conspiracies. Once in office, she resurrected her father’s BAKSAL-style fascism. Replicating that model, her administration orchestrated severe repression through enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings and fabricated charges.
Khaleda Zia continued to resist. Despite failing health, imprisonment and house arrest, she never bowed to injustice or compromised her principles. These remain immense sources of pride for the BNP.
Prime Minister Tarique Rahman is now carrying forward the mission to which they devoted themselves. He is also seeking to implement his own vision, plans and aspirations.
Many critics argue that the BNP did not play a frontline role in the 2024 mass uprising. How do you respond?
Certain political parties are disseminating misinformation regarding this. If we didn’t take part in the movement, why was I arrested?
The day prior to my arrest, I announced the party’s programme in accordance with its decision. The following morning, I went to the Press Club to rally our leaders and party workers. While a gathering was in progress there, I was forcibly dragged from the venue and arrested in broad daylight. That very night, I encountered Nazrul Islam Khan in police custody.
On what date did that occur?
July 19.
How long were you detained?
We were released following the fall of Sheikh Hasina. I was freed alongside Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury, Shahiduddin Chowdhury Anee, Aminul Haque and numerous others. There were several others whose names escape me at present. Hundreds more party leaders and activists were detained, including approximately 142 members of the Jatiotabadi Chatradal.
The July movement was not merely a matter of arrests. Numerous BNP leaders and activists were killed, laying down their lives for the cause. Attempting to reduce the supreme sacrifice of so many to the contribution of a single political entity reflects the political style that characterised Sheikh Hasina. She treated the Liberation War and national independence as the proprietary asset of a single party, refusing to acknowledge any other stakeholders. Those who now make similar assertions regarding the BNP’s role are displaying the very same inclination.
I was the party’s senior joint secretary-general. I was arrested on July 19. Until July 10 or 11, we were working continuously at party headquarters, drafting and issuing official statements late into the evening. Subsequently, law enforcement raided my office at central headquarters and staged the seizure of weapons from my room.
But am I an armed man? Everyone is aware of my age, my lengthy political career and my record of public activity. Yet the alleged discovery of weapons in my office was entirely fabricated. One must also examine why this was orchestrated during the height of the July movement.
The BNP had backed every campaign of the student movement from its inception. When we were unable to operate openly from party headquarters during actions such as the “Complete Shutdown”, we went underground and convened virtual press briefings to articulate the BNP’s position. The party participated in every action including the Bangla Blockade organised up to my arrest on July 19.
If the BNP hadn’t participated in the movement, how did so many of our cadres embrace martyrdom? Attempts are nevertheless being made to deny the BNP’s contribution. Such allegations are entirely politically motivated.
What is the BNP’s post-uprising policy framework for rebuilding Bangladesh?
The party operates strictly in accordance with its Constitution and established policies. As part of efforts to reinforce its organisational apparatus, party councils are being convened across various districts and local units. In most districts where councils have concluded, executive leaders were elected via open ballot. Preparations are also well underway for the BNP’s national council.
We are reviewing the committees that remain incomplete and will address those gaps shortly. Once the schedule for party councils is finalised, we will move swiftly to convene conferences in fully prepared districts.
How prepared are the BNP’s grassroots cadres to participate in rebuilding the nation?
They have endured 17 years of severe repression and an oppressive political climate at every tier of the party. They persisted in their political activities despite severe adversity. They are determined to see the nation advance, prosper and rebuild.
The party must extend full backing to the government to ensure the effective implementation of the government’s agenda. BNP cadres across all tiers are prepared to shoulder that responsibility.
As acting secretary-general, what steps are you taking to revitalise the party’s organisational apparatus?
We’ll formulate organisational guidelines in consultation with senior party leadership. We’ll subsequently present them to BNP Chairman Tarique Rahman for strategic guidance. Upon receiving his approval, we’ll initiate a comprehensive organisational drive.
Organisational work, meanwhile, continues. Attending central headquarters, engaging with party workers and addressing grievances brought from various districts are routine duties. I endeavour to resolve whatever matters fall within my purview. Where the chairman’s approval is required, we will submit the matter for his permission.
How prepared is the BNP for the upcoming local government elections?
The party does not need to prepare afresh. The BNP is fully prepared.
For local government elections, we will accord decisive weight to grassroots consensus rather than imposing central nominations. Local party committees will select individuals who command genuine support and credibility in their respective constituencies. Should local cadres endorse an individual — whether a party member or a well-regarded community figure — they may rally behind that candidate collectively.
Unlike parliamentary elections, there will be no centralised nomination process. Candidates will instead be selected on the basis of local backing. At the same time, anyone who defies official party directives by standing as a rebel candidate will face strict disciplinary action.
Will party members expelled during the parliamentary election be reinstated?
They remain barred from participating in party activities until their expulsions are formally revoked. Regarding those facing disciplinary allegations, we will examine their explanations and written representations. Should an expelled member apply for reinstatement, that appeal will be reviewed. The party high command will subsequently make the final decision.
The government is facing intense pressure over ongoing gas shortages. Do you anticipate this affecting the BNP’s prospects in the local elections?
The public understands the root causes of the crisis. There’s no justification for attributing responsibility to the BNP or the current administration. Fuel import channels have been disrupted by external geopolitical factors. The conflict around the Strait of Hormuz has severely impaired maritime fuel shipments. LNG imports are adversely impacted as a result.
The administration has taken steps to procure LNG from alternative suppliers. Concurrently, restoration work on a damaged LNG terminal is advancing rapidly. Engineers are working around the clock to restore operational capacity. Repairs are nearing completion. I anticipate the gas shortfall will ease significantly by the first week of September.
[This interview was originally conducted in Bangla and published in both the Print and Online editions of The Daily Bonik Barta. It has since been translated for the English edition.]