The Rakhine state of Myanmar, surrounded by hills and sea, has long been an unofficial war zone. Twan Mrat Naing was born into a poor family in the state’s capital, Sittwe. Poverty forced him to leave home as a teenager and work in the mines of Kachin, where he had his first brush with military life. That’s where he received his first military training.

In 2009, at just 30 years old, Twan Mrat Naing founded the Arakan Army and assumed the role of Commander-in-Chief. His leadership, shaped by military strategy, a strong sense of ethnic identity, and political vision, helped the group grow rapidly. Today, under his command, the Arakan Army controls about 90% of Rakhine—a shift that has dramatically changed the geopolitics of Southeast Asia.

Born November 7, 1978, Twan Mrat Naing started life in very modest circumstances. In his youth, he worked in the mines of Kachin State, where he first learned about armed rebellion. There, he formed close ties with leaders of the Kachin Independence Army, who later trained him in guerrilla warfare.

His political awareness began to take shape in the late 1990s. In 1998, he tried to join the “National Unity Party of Arakan.” But its leader was killed in a military crackdown. A few years later, in 2004, Twan Mrat Naing met Dr. Nyo Twan Awng. Together, in 2009, they founded the Arakan Army to gain autonomy for the Rakhine people.

With the support of the Kachin Independence Army, they launched the movement with only 26 members. Twan Mrat Naing became the Commander-in-Chief, while Dr. Nyo Twan Awng served as Vice Commander. It didn’t take long for the Arakan Army to make its presence felt in Rakhine.

Twan Mrat Naing’s journey as a leader didn’t begin with guns or politics. He once worked as a tour guide in Yangon, and that experience did more than just earn him a living — it shaped him. It helped him become fluent in English and gave him the confidence to communicate on international platforms. Over time, he also gained deep knowledge of military strategy, philosophy, international politics, geography, and history. He didn’t just grow into a guerrilla leader — he became a thinker and strategist.

In the early days, hardly anyone took the Arakan Army seriously. However, it became one of the biggest threats to the Myanmar military over time. This shift was largely due to Twan Mrat Naing’s strategic vision. Instead of rushing into battle, he first focused on building alliances. In 2015, he helped to form the “Brotherhood Alliance” with other ethnic armed groups like the Kachin, Ta’ang, and Kokang forces. This coalition significantly strengthened the Arakan Army.

Things changed dramatically in February 2021 when Myanmar’s military staged a coup. Nationwide resistance broke out — and the Arakan Army emerged as a key player in that movement. Twan Mrat Naing personally spoke out against military rule and aligned himself with the larger political revolution. He also expanded his connections on the international stage.

Politically, his stance has always been mature and strategic. He made it clear that the Arakan Army doesn’t blindly support any group—it only supports movements that protect the interests of the Rakhine people.

In one interview, he said, “To him, revolution isn’t just about removing a military dictatorship. It’s also about securing ethnic identity and regional autonomy.”

He has always emphasized the need for Rakhine people to have self-rule. According to Twan Mrat Naing, the future of Myanmar lies in a federal system—one where each ethnic group has sovereign control over its own land. This idea has guided the Arakan Army’s military and diplomatic actions.

In the spirit of unity, he built alliances with other ethnic armed groups, such as the Kachin Independence Army and the Karen National Liberation Army. Together, they created a strong, coordinated resistance against the military junta, and in many areas, that resistance pushed the military back and changed the balance of power.

Twan Mrat Naing defeated Myanmar’s powerful military not by brute force alone but through smart, layered strategies. His approach had three main stages.

First, he focused on removing junta forces from rural areas. He actively encouraged local people to join the Arakan Army — especially disillusioned youth who had long felt neglected, oppressed, or uprooted. Slowly but steadily, he built a motivated base of fighters from the very heart of the Rakhine community.

Second, he worked on taking over local governance. This meant creating parallel administrative systems in areas the Arakan Army controlled, replacing government rule with their own.

Finally, he began launching direct attacks on military bases using modern weapons and drones. This three-step strategy proved highly effective. Between 2022 and 2024, under his leadership, the Arakan Army gained control of nearly 90 percent of Rakhine State, including key towns like Paletwa, Maungdaw, and Buthidaung.

After these military successes, Twan Mrat Naing also proved himself a skilled diplomat.

His relationship with China is long-standing but complicated. He rejected China’s offer to mediate peace talks with the junta — a clear message that he doesn’t want Rakhine’s political future to be shaped by Beijing. However, he hasn’t cut ties with China either. Strategic Chinese investments in Rakhine — especially the Kyaukphyu Deep Sea Port and the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor — can offer the Arakan Army valuable leverage. Through this “dual policy,” Naing is trying to balance Chinese influence: keeping it in check while benefiting from it where useful.

His relationship with India is even more complex and tactical. Initially, India viewed the Arakan Army as a security threat. But recently, in light of shifting realities and growing competition with China, India has opened communication channels.

Naing understands the value of the Kaladan Multi-Modal Project — a major part of India’s “Act East” policy — which passes right through Rakhine. He’s convinced Indian officials that collaborating with the Arakan Army may help maintain stability and security in the region.

Analysts believe that Twan Mrat Naing is using a policy of “inclusive ethnic coexistence” to build trust with India. In exchange for recognizing the Arakan Army’s political legitimacy in Rakhine, he promises to support India’s border security and infrastructure projects. He also clarified that the Arakan Army is not a Chinese proxy but an independent force fighting for Rakhine identity and autonomy.

Since August 5 of last year, India has increased its engagement with the Arakan Army. Reports suggest that the two sides have even held several rounds of meetings.

According to analysts, Twan Mrat Naing’s main strategy when dealing with major powers like China and India is balance. He carefully avoids becoming too dependent on either side and instead focuses on using both relationships to secure the best possible outcomes for Rakhine State. His diplomatic approach is much like guerrilla warfare — not always confronting directly, but keeping multiple options open without showing his full hand.

However, Twan Mrat Naing’s international image isn’t without controversy. He has faced criticism for holding hostile views toward the Rohingya community, which has raised questions about his commitment to human rights and inclusivity.

In December 2021, writer and researcher Altaf Parvez interviewed Major General Twan Mrat Naing. He told Bonik Barta, “He struck me as a very smart and charismatic leader. Managing and feeding a force of 25,000 to 30,000 people is no small task. And don’t forget — the Arakan Army doesn’t have a long legacy to stand on. It’s just 15 years old, yet today it’s one of Myanmar’s most powerful armed groups. That kind of success is only possible with exceptional leadership.”

Parvez also pointed out that the Burmese military is highly trained, well-equipped, and backed by strong intelligence. Defeating such a force, he says, requires not just bravery but real strategic skill.

He praised Naing’s diplomacy, saying, “Myanmar’s government has always had close ties with China, yet Twan Mrat Naing managed to win their support. And while India is now engaging with the Arakan Army, things weren’t always so friendly. His staying relevant and strong during those difficult times shows his talent for international diplomacy.”

Interestingly, Naing’s influence isn’t limited to Rakhine. Armed fighters in neighboring regions also admire him. “That’s what’s truly remarkable,” Parvez said. “He isn’t just popular in Rakhine, but across the ethnic nationalist movements around Myanmar. To many of them, he’s an inspiration.”

Altaf Parvez noted that Twan Mrat Naing was once in favor of allowing the Rohingya to return to Rakhine. “He supported granting them rights as citizens, though not necessarily recognizing them as an ethnic group,” he explained. “But things have changed recently. The Rakhine people are generally very nationalist, and since some Rohingya groups have taken up arms against the Arakan Army, the situation has become more complicated.”

Parvez added that, as a leader, speaking out for the Rohingya now could cost Naing popularity among hardline nationalists within his community. “He has to walk a fine line,” Parvez said.

Back in 2009, no one imagined that a young man from the hills—who founded an armed group at just 30 years old—would rise to become one of the most influential figures in Myanmar. But with strong public support, a well-organized army, smart diplomacy, and a clear political vision, Twan Mrat Naing is now more than just a military leader in Rakhine. He has become a key player in the geopolitics of Southeast Asia.