Psychological gap narrowing between Bangladesh Army, Police

Following the July uprising, police came under attack in various places. Many members of the force began to feel unsafe. In that situation, the army stepped in to boost their morale.

The ousted Sheikh Hasina government had become heavily reliant on the police to suppress political opposition and control dissent. As a result, a sense of inflated power took root among senior officials of the force responsible for maintaining law and order. Several disturbing incidents occurred during that period—the most glaring example being the killing of retired army Major Sinha Mohammed Rashed Khan. This incident led to a cold relationship between the police and the army. When the then-Inspector General of Police (IGP) Benazir Ahmed visited the scene, his actions reportedly deepened the psychological tension between the two forces, sparking a crisis of trust.

Following the July uprising, police came under attack in various places. Many members of the force began to feel unsafe. In that situation, the army stepped in to boost their morale. From recovering looted weapons to providing security for police stations, assisting in patrols and search operations—the army stood beside the police and provided crucial support. Joint operations are also being conducted to restore law and order. Experts believe that this collaboration is closing the long-standing psychological gap between the military and civilian forces and helping to build a strong cooperative relationship.

Some retired police officers believe that the Sheikh Hasina government broke down the police force’s chain of command and involved it in various crimes. They say the government dragged the police into a competition with other forces to carry out enforced disappearances, killings, and politically motivated harassment. These actions led to a trust crisis within the force, weakening it morally.

The Awami League formed the government through the ninth national parliamentary election back in 2008. After coming to power, the party granted special powers and privileges to certain officers in the police based on loyalty. Those officers played key roles in irregularities and vote rigging that helped the party secure a second consecutive term in 2014. Toward the end of that year, AKM Shahidul Hoque was appointed Inspector General of Police. He served until January 2018.

The retired police officers also said that after the Awami League assumed power for a second consecutive term, some ambitious police officers began putting forward various demands—including the request for heavy weapons. Despite the army’s objections, the AL government accepted the demand and handed over heavy, battlefield-grade weapons and explosives to police officers.

On this issue, Major General (Retd.) Fazle Elahi Akbar, Chairman of the Foundation for Strategic and Development Studies (FSDS), told Bonik Barta, “We’ve seen a kind of competition emerge within the police force in recent times. They demanded the same deadly weapons that the army uses. But the army uses these weapons against external enemies, while the police began using them on the country’s own people. That was a major mistake.”

The retired army official added that there were even instances where police used LMGs, turning police stations into bunkers. He said, “At one point, the police stations looked like fortresses. Who were these weapons meant to be used against? When the police reach that level, it clearly means they’ve become completely ineffective. Competing with the army is an entirely misguided notion.”

The FSDS Chairman further said, “To ensure a free and fair election in the future, the psychological gap between the police and the army must be reduced. With coordinated efforts from the Election Commission, the police, and the army, it’s possible for us to hold a proper election.”

Speaking to a former Inspector General of Police revealed that the ambitions of some senior police officers went beyond acquiring heavy weapons and explosives. Back in 2016, they even began to see themselves as a “super power.” In many instances, they viewed themselves as rivals to army officers. As part of that mindset, a proposal was made to elevate the IGP to a four-star general—equivalent to the Chief of Army Staff. The AL government continued discussions on this demand for quite some time.

If the proposal had been approved, Additional IGPs would have held the same rank as Lieutenant Generals in the army, DIGs would have been on par with Major Generals, and Additional DIGs would have had the same status as Brigadier Generals. However, during a meeting at the Ministry of Home Affairs, various objections were raised against the rank-equivalence proposal. Some participants expressed concerns that this would create a lack of coordination between the forces. The police side argued that giving them equal status would boost morale and improve performance, and there would be no reason for disorder. Ultimately, the proposal was not approved.

Human rights activist and member of the Police Reform Commission, ASM Nasiruddin Elan, told Bonik Barta, “The Sheikh Hasina government turned the police into a kind of super power. The force was used to suppress and abuse ordinary citizens. At one point, psychological tension developed not only between the public and the police but also between the police and the army. But after the July uprising, when police were left vulnerable, the army stepped in to protect them and secure police stations. The army is also actively working to recover looted police weapons. All in all, I believe the psychological distance between the police and the military has decreased. Both the armed and civilian forces are now working together on security issues. But we must remember, the country is still going through a deep crisis. The police and army must play a more responsible role to ensure a free and fair election.”

The psychological distance between the police and the military became starkly evident to the public in mid-2020 following the killing of Major Sinha on the Marine Drive Road in Teknaf, Cox’s Bazar. The former army officer was shot dead by police at a checkpoint, sparking intense backlash. Even though top police officials expressed regret over the incident, two senior officers attempted to humiliate Sinha’s associate, Shipra Debnath, by leaking her private photos on Facebook. The police even filed cases blaming the victims. However, in the case filed by Major Sinha’s sister, nine police personnel—including Pradeep Kumar Das, officer-in-charge of Teknaf police station back then—were sent to jail.

Security analysts point out that any government requires different branches to govern effectively. While the police are tasked with internal security, the army is trained to face external threats and, when necessary, assist in domestic situations. Military training follows the principle of “one bullet, one enemy,” meaning a single shot must neutralize a threat. In contrast, police are trained to use minimal force. Their primary responsibility is to enforce the law and ensure that criminals are punished through legal procedures. It is never the police’s duty to kill someone by shooting.

On this issue, retired Air Cdre Ishfaq Ilahi Choudhury, a security analyst, told Bonik Barta, “The psychological distance we observed between the police and the army in the past has recently diminished. That distance was largely created by a few overly ambitious police officers. Now, both forces are working together for the sake of national security. The parliamentary election is ahead. I believe the police and the army must work in unison during this period. Only then can a fair election environment be ensured. Otherwise, the country’s security situation may deteriorate further. For example, recent incidents in Patiya of Chattogram and Lalmonirhat have again shaken police morale. This kind of mob culture must also be resisted. Strong actions must be taken in the interest of security.”

আরও