Bilateral relations between Bangladesh and India deteriorated after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975. Disputes over water sharing, border issues, and other mutual-interest matters intensified. Indian diplomat and former national security adviser Jyotindra Nath Dikshit, describing the situation, said that it was very unfortunate that the honeymoon period did not last long due to the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He also said that after that 1975 killing, the golden era of India-Bangladesh relations came to an end. A similar situation arose following the fall of the Awami League government led by Sheikh Hasina. After Hasina’s ouster, several issues—including water sharing and border disputes—sparked significant tensions between the two countries. At the same time, just as Awami League leaders and activists fled to India after 1975 and engaged in informal political activities, the party is conducting its political operations in a similar manner today.
Analysts say that between 1975 and 1981, instead of the emotionally charged perspectives of the Liberation War era, a more pragmatic reality prevailed, which created various strains in India-Bangladesh relations. In addition, disputes over South Talpatti Island further embittered the relationship. Discussions have surfaced alleging that India maintained an unreasonable and hegemonic attitude toward its neighbor. Many old issues resurfaced, and when raised by Dhaka on the international stage, they triggered dissatisfaction from India. Although efforts were made to normalize relations through dialogue, many important issues remained unresolved.
Former ambassador M Humayun Kabir told Bonik Barta, “There is some similarity between the post-1975 political reality and today’s political reality. Before the 1975 regime change, anti-India sentiment had developed in Bangladesh. However, given the context of the Liberation War and subsequent events, people had a mixed perception of India. At that time, people’s anger was directed more at the government than at India. Now, two factors are at play. First, public anger at the government has been significant—that has had an impact, and we have seen its reflection. At the same time, I believe people are also quite angry with India, because in the last 15 years, many injustices in Bangladesh were believed to have been directly aided by India—a perception that has taken strong root in the public consciousness.”
Humayun Kabir added, “Now the Ganges water-sharing treaty is coming up because it’s due for renewal in 2026. If it were scheduled for five years later, it wouldn’t have entered discussions now. This is coincidental. However, the practice of ‘push-in’ has continued. Back then, this issue of pushing people in wasn’t as pronounced; it really began after 2001. Since we are neighboring countries, some issues are bound to arise, and they may not be resolved quickly. Many issues have been settled, but many obstacles remain.”
According to the article “India-Bangladesh Relationship (1975–1990)” published in the Journal of South Asian Studies, relations between Bangladesh and India soured immediately after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman over four main issues. Two of these were unresolved from Sheikh Mujibur’s era—Ganges water sharing and enclave exchanges. New disputes arose at the time over South Talpatti Island, which emerged in the Bay of Bengal near Satkhira, as well as illegal cross-border intrusions.
Although India and Bangladesh formed a Joint River Commission in 1972 after independence, the political changes of 1975 made negotiations over the Farakka Barrage more difficult. Between 1975 and 1977, a strong anti-India sentiment emerged in Bangladesh, which the media further inflamed. The Ziaur Rahman government raised the issue on the international stage through the OIC (Istanbul, 1976), the Non-Aligned Movement (Colombo, 1976), and the United Nations General Assembly. India treated it as a bilateral matter and opposed internationalization. Then-Indian foreign minister Jagat Singh Mehta explicitly stated that India’s aim was only to protect the interests of the Kolkata port and that Bangladesh’s claims were baseless. Most UN member states also recognized the issue as bilateral. Subsequently, India and Bangladesh returned to bilateral negotiations. After January 1977, multiple ministerial-level meetings were held, though no final resolution was reached at that time.
After the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government, similar issues again intensified tensions between the two countries. Just days after the interim government assumed office in Bangladesh, India opened the Dumbur Hydro-electric Power Project or Dumur gates in Tripura, resulting in severe flooding in Bangladesh’s Feni, Noakhali, and Cumilla regions. The release of water by India without prior warning caused a strong backlash.
Following 1975, India was dissatisfied with Bangladesh’s military rule, which damaged the previously friendly situation. During that period, Bangladesh strengthened relations with Western and Muslim-majority countries while adopting a policy of maintaining distance from India, which had a profound impact on bilateral relations. Similarly, in 1975, India faced its most severe political crisis since independence. Due to internal pressures, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi suspended democracy and declared a state of emergency.
The new government under Ziaur Rahman gradually adopted certain foreign policies that brought the country closer to both Western and Eastern powers. Bangladeshi leaders recognized the need to safeguard national interests and took immediate steps to implement them. India viewed this as a shift in Bangladesh’s policy balance, leading to changes in India’s strategy in South Asian politics. Bangladesh was strategically important to India and functioned as a “corridor” in the region.
Dr. Delwar Hossain, a Professor of International Relations at the University of Dhaka and a former member of the Public Service Commission (PSC), told Bonik Barta, “The recent deterioration in diplomatic relations between Bangladesh and India is primarily due to political changes. India could not accept the current government in the same way it had engaged with the deposed former government. This has likely prompted India to make a strategic shift in its diplomatic approach toward Bangladesh. Regarding the current visa situation, although India attributes it to staff and operational issues, but a closer look at the past makes it clear that this is a strategic stance. These problems did not exist before, so why now? The push-back incidents are also unjustified. Additionally, various restrictions are appearing in the commercial sector. Moreover, Bangladesh’s deposed former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina is still in India. Altogether, this has created diplomatic tension between India and Bangladesh. India’s current policy stance is not suitable for bilateral relations. Friendly relations between neighboring states benefit both countries. Bangladesh has so far maintained a reasonable position to normalize relations. Recently, discussions about a trilateral alliance with China and Pakistan were handled very cautiously. To restore normalcy in relations, India must now step forward. At the same time, Bangladesh must rise above emotion and consider the regional geopolitical context to ensure its sovereignty and dignity remain intact.”
In the period following 1977, India’s then-Janata Party government repatriated more than a hundred Bangladeshis, accusing them of engaging in “hostile activities” against the Zia government. In contrast, the current Modi administration has provided shelter to fugitive Awami League leaders. According to the Awami League, more than two thousand party officeholders are currently residing in India. At the same time, a large number of suspected illegal entrants are being pushed back into Bangladesh, most of whom are not citizens of the country.
In 1980, under the leadership of Indira Gandhi, Congress returned to power in India. Upon assuming office as Prime Minister, Gandhi criticized the weak foreign policy of the previous Jatiya Party government, alleging that it had ignored national interests. She also viewed the post-Mujib military regime in Bangladesh unfavorably, as she disapproved of military rule. Gandhi considered the policies of the Jatiya government toward neighboring countries to be detrimental and saw them as a compromise of India’s own interests. She was also critical of Moraji Desai’s foreign policy in South Asia. However, after assuming office in 1980, Indira Gandhi did not make major changes in India’s approach toward its neighboring countries; her position in the later part of her first term was slightly stricter but still limited in scope.
Ziaur Rahman was the first head of state to congratulate Indira Gandhi, hoping that his sudden visit to Delhi would influence India’s stance. Contrary to his expectations, news of Gandhi’s decisive victory prompted Awami League supporters in Bangladesh to distribute sweets in celebration. This raised concerns among some in Bangladesh that India might once again interfere in the country’s internal affairs. Gradually, however, there were signs of slight improvement in bilateral relations. On January 20, 1980, President Ziaur Rahman visited New Delhi to attend the third general conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization. During this visit, he held two rounds of talks with Indira Gandhi, discussing various bilateral issues, including border disputes and the Farakka Ganga water-sharing issue, and they agreed to take initiatives toward resolving them.
Following the ouster of the Awami League through the 2024 mass uprising, a significant faction within the party believes that the Indian government could assist in its political rehabilitation. They argue that since Awami League’s president, Sheikh Hasina, has been given refuge in India, the country will play a positive role in restoring the party’s influence in Bangladesh’s politics. On this matter, an Organizational Secretary of the party, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Bonik Barta, “India’s role in Bangladesh’s independence cannot be denied. They have helped us at various times. During the Liberation War and after the assassination of Bangabandhu, many of us sought shelter there. Even now, some remain. We are still receiving that support.”
Dr. S M Ali Reza, a Professor of Political Science at the University of Dhaka, told Bonik Barta, “The India-Bangladesh relationship is going through a kind of unstable phase, or it’s not in a good situation. There is no doubt that the relationship has hit a low point. Each state will look after its own interests, and India is no exception. But there are international norms and standards, which are often not followed. Bangladesh’s foreign policy is partly responsible for that. India may want to be dominant, but why should it be accepted? Bangladesh has also failed in terms of foreign policy, leadership, and capacity. Ideally, this should be a win-win situation. Because that hasn’t happened, anti-India sentiment is growing in Bangladesh.”