Immediately after relinquishing power, this influential leader, who had been in power for nine years, was imprisoned. He was incarcerated for five consecutive years on various charges. During this time, his party, the Jatiya Party (JP), continued to run political programs. While still in prison, he contested the elections of 1990 and 1996, winning in five constituencies. After his release from jail, he became a crucial player in the power struggle between the two major parties in Bangladesh. Hussain Muhammad Ershad's Jatiya Party gained the reputation of being a kingmaker in electoral politics.

According to politicians and analysts, Hussain Muhammad Ershad maintained his political relevance by serving his prison sentence by the law. He also retained his acceptability among a significant number of people. Eventually, he became a kingmaker in the political landscape.

In this regard, Ershad's brother and the chairman of the Jatiya Party, Golam Mohammad (GM) Quader, told Bonik Barta, "After relinquishing power, former President Hussain Muhammad Ershad was arrested under special laws. Cases were filed against him, including the one related to the Janata Tower and allegations of embezzling nearly 15 crore taka, for which he was convicted. However, most of the cases and their verdicts were unjust. Despite this, he remained imprisoned for five years. In the eyes of the public, he was always considered innocent. Keeping an innocent person in captivity increased people's sympathy for him, contributing to his popularity. One of the key reasons for Ershad's survival in politics is that he implemented reforms and development. As a result, he had the support of the general public. This support enabled him to win a significant vote even while in prison."

He further stated, "Many consider Ershad's downfall a mass uprising. However, it was an urban-centered movement. After a mass uprising, no one can return to politics. Yet, he was able to make a comeback. Ershad wanted to work the way the people desired, so he voluntarily relinquished power at a certain point during the movement."

When Ershad took power, the first protests against him were led by the JaSod Chhatra League at Dhaka University. From then until Ershad's resignation, student organizations played a key role in various movements against him. Among these, the most significant initial movement was against the education policy of Education Minister Majeed Khan. In this movement, on February 14, 1983, at least ten students, including Joynal, Jafar, and Deepali Saha, were martyred. This incident later played a significant role in organizing movements against Ershad.

According to a document of the US government, Ershad gave special importance to foreign policy after coming to power. He behaved moderately and cooperatively with the Western countries. Although suspicious of India, the Jatiya Party attaches importance to maintaining stable relations with the neighboring country. The economic and humanitarian cooperation relationship between Bangladesh and the Western world deepened during Ziaur Rahman's regime. Ershad maintained that with the United States, Bangladesh's biggest trading partner. Despite leaning towards the Western world, he focused on building good relations with Moscow to balance relations with the superpowers. At that time, Bangladesh imported most of its weapons from China, but the responsibility of maintaining the MiG-21 fighter aircraft was on the Soviet Union. Hussain Muhammad Ershad deepened relations with the rich countries of the Muslim world for financial cooperation. For this reason, he chose Saudi Arabia as his first foreign trip after assuming power.

At the same time, public anger against his military rule was growing daily. This began with the incident of killing protesting students during the 1982 education movement, which later intensified through various events. By October of the '90s, the movement against Ershad became increasingly dynamic, reaching a peak in November. The entire country plunged into a state of unrest. Approximately 24 student organizations joined forces to continue the movement. Many teachers, politicians, doctors, and government officials resigned to support the protests, and many others went on strike. In light of the worsening situation, a state of emergency was declared on November 27. On December 3, Hussain Muhammad Ershad agreed to peace talks. However, the next day, nearly one hundred thousand people took to the streets of Dhaka, demanding his resignation. Ershad announced his resignation on that same day, officially stepping down on December 6. He was subsequently sent to prison.

During the mass uprising of the '90s, Mahmudur Rahman Manna was a member of the Central Committee of the Bangladesh Socialist Party. The convener of Nagorik Oikya told Bonik Barta, "The students led the movement against Ershad. He committed heinous acts, such as attacking students at the university's banyan tree and burying bodies. As far as I remember, on February 14, 1982, students attempted to surround the education building centered around a report from an education commission, and there was a massacre there as well. A truck was driven into a procession, resulting in deaths that day. In other words, a horrific massacre occurred. The students at that time fought courageously. Eventually, political parties joined the movement, and Ershad was forced to resign."

He further stated, "When a government changes through such movements, people's aspirations increase. However, political parties behave in a way that makes those aspirations float away like balloons. After Ershad's fall, a coalition was formed for establishing democracy and building a better society. However, due to the power struggles between the two parties, Ershad was able to make a comeback. Moreover, he had been in jail for five continuous years. To be honest, even though he oppressed people, a couple of his initiatives were well-received, such as the formation of upazilas and the drug policy. Additionally, Ershad did not insult opposition leaders."

Immediately after HM Ershad fell from power in 1990, 27 cases were filed against him. He was found guilty of corruption and had to serve time in prison. The list of cases continued to grow, totaling 43 against the former president. After six years in jail, he was released on bail on January 9, 1997.

Political analysts say that the cases filed against Hussain Muhammad Ershad were primarily aimed at bargaining with him. Whenever Ershad took any decision contrary to the interests of those in power, the old cases would be activated. Additionally, at various times, the former ruling party attempted to maintain control over his party, the Jatiya Party, through division. In 1996, when forming the government, the Awami League sought the support of the Jatiya Party. Before the 2008 elections, the Jatiya Party joined the Awami League's grand alliance. Ershad remained connected to power throughout his life and served as a special envoy for former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.

In this regard, Manzur Quader, former Water Resources Minister of the Jatiya Party, told Barta, "Ershad was a benevolent dictator. After coming to power, student protests against him began. Throughout his rule, there were sporadic attacks on students and several incidents of killings. However, towards the end, when the situation turned into a mass uprising and the number of killings increased, he decided to step down. This was especially true after the murder of Dr. Milon. Before he resigned, Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed assured him that no extrajudicial measures would be taken against him. He stepped down with confidence in the legal process. Although there was a promise that Ershad would not be taken to jail initially, this was later broken, and he ended up in prison, where he spent five years, which helped increase his acceptability. While in jail, he participated in the 1991 elections and won five seats."

He added, "Ershad built a relationship with the general public by traveling from village to village. During his time in power, he took several popular measures, including decentralization. Law and order were also relatively good, and the judiciary was completely independent. He did not have his student organization in universities for exercising power, which helped maintain his popularity."