Due to several events, Serajul Alam Khan gradually became cornered within the party. In the conflict between these two young leaders, Sheikh Mujib had not publicly supported anyone for a long time. He came out of this neutral position in October 1972. Two groups organized separate student league conferences on the same day and simultaneously at different locations. On that day, Sheikh Mujib joined the conference organized by Sheikh Mani's group. The disgruntled Serajul Alam Khan left the Awami League (AL) and formed the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JaSoD).

Observers believe the conflict between these two young leaders became a major catalyst in the country's mainstream politics and caused a significant political crisis.

Under the guidance of Serajul Alam Khan, a group of young nationalists entered the political arena of the Awami League during the 1960s. Witnesses report that their goal was to create Bangladesh by achieving the independence of East Pakistan. During that period, they aimed to highlight Bengali nationalism by leveraging Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's captivating leadership. At the same time, a different group of youth, spearheaded by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's nephew, Sheikh Fazlul Haque Mani, aimed to harness the concept of nationalism to become allies in the power dynamics of undivided Pakistan's central governance.

Sheikh Mani and Serajul Alam Khan both engaged in the politics of the Awami League during the 1960s. Between 1960 and 1963, Sheikh Mani held the position of General Secretary (GS) of the Chhatra League. He entered political discussion after boycotting the University of Dhaka's convocation to protest the Pakistan government's education policy.

The public dispute between Sheikh Fazlul Haque Mani and Serajul Alam Khan in the Chhatra League emerged in 1963. In that year's Chhatra League council election, Sheikh Mani was defeated, and Serajul Alam Khan was chosen as GS. Subsequently, the group surrounding Serajul Alam Khan greatly increased its sway within the Awami League. He also received backing from numerous grassroots volunteers.

His impact grew even more powerful during the Six-Point Movement in 1966. Due to his participation in the movement, Sheikh Mani was incarcerated. Conversely, Serajul Alam Khan assumed a more influential position in the political landscape of the Chhatra League and the Awami League. His stance was further strengthened during the 1969 Uprising. At that moment, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Sheikh Fazlul Haque Mani were incarcerated. During their absence, Serajul Alam Khan maintained a significant role in the anti-Ayub movement and organized the party while working clandestinely. Throughout this time, the Awami League was largely managed by Seraj's faction and drawn in by his nationalist beliefs, numerous left-leaning and radical youths engaged with the party's politics. Throughout this period, the leadership of the Sorbodoliyo Chatra Sangram Parishad, established with students, propagated the mass movement. Workers from factories and agriculture also participated in the movement, contributing to the downfall of Ayub Khan's government.

During that period, the involvement of farmers and workers in the movement bolstered the socialist ideology within Seraj's group's political framework. Progressive and radical youth (those believing or expressing the belief that there should be great or extreme social or political change), under the influence of Serajul Alam Khan, took a prominent part in this. Following the creation of an independent Bangladesh, the aim of instituting socialism became a key focus of their political agenda. From these concepts, they understood the importance of establishing a workers' front and persuaded Sheikh Mujib. Consequently, in October 1969, the Jatiya Krishak League was established.

In the 1970 elections, the Awami League emerged victorious. At that moment, a review report from the U.S. government indicated that following its electoral victory, the Awami League demonstrated minimal interest in major domestic and international policy reforms. It was even believed that the party wouldn't adopt any critical position towards the United States.

Nonetheless, the circumstances shifted when the decision was made not to hand over authority to the Pakistanis, coupled with the proactive involvement of the faction headed by Serajul Alam Khan. Amidst this, the Liberation War commenced. Starting on March 25, 1971, Bengali military and paramilitary officers and soldiers began to oppose the Pakistanis. The guerrilla troops of the Mukti Bahini additionally bolstered this opposition. Their actions elicited an unmatched reaction from the overall public of Bengal.

At the same time, certain members of the Awami League and the Indian government started to worry that the Awami League might ultimately lose control. They were especially anxious that if Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, incarcerated in Pakistan, did not come back, the likelihood of this fear materializing appeared significant. This increasing apprehension led to the establishment of the Bangladesh Liberation Front (BLF), or the Mujib Bahini, by four close colleagues of Bangabandhu: Tofail Ahmed, Sheikh Fazlul Haque Mani, Serajul Alam Khan, and Abdur Razzak Khan. Accusations claim that this force was mainly established with devoted Chhatra League members to safeguard the interests of Sheikh Mujib and his inner circle.

Instruction was conducted under the guidance of Indians in training centers located in Dehradun, Uttar Pradesh, and Haflong, Assam. In addition to guerrilla training, a political course on Mujibism covered nationalism, socialism, Mujibism, and secularism. They developed their code and wireless communication system for connection. During the conflict, they upheld an autonomous stance separate from the expatriate government leadership and the Mukti Bahini.

Following independence, the rivalry between Sheikh Mani and Serajul Alam Khan intensified. Author and researcher Altaf Parvez said to Bonik Barta, "Tajuddin Ahmad experienced a psychological struggle with the Mujib Bahini well before the government of expatriates." Following independence, the Mujib Bahini sought to assume leadership. Nonetheless, even among them, a psychological conflict existed regarding this leadership. The Mujib Bahini comprised two distinct factions: one headed by Sheikh Mani and the other by Serajul Alam Khan. In terms of numbers, the faction of Serajul Alam Khan was bigger and more powerful. When Sheikh Mujibur Rahman returned to Bangladesh, Serajul Alam Khan returned late for some reason. During that period, Sheikh Mujib was swayed by Sheikh Mani, a relative to Sheikh Mujib. Moreover, Sheik Mani's briefing for nine months also impacted Sheikh Mujib. When Serajul Alam Khan returned to the country, he had already lost some intimacy with Sheikh Mujib. This is the genuine reason for their separation."

Right after gaining independence, the Seraj Group reinstated their former revolutionary concepts. Once Sheikh Mujib arrived back in Bangladesh, they urged him to implement a presidential system of governance rather than relying on the Constituent Assembly chosen during the Pakistan period. Concurrently, the concept of a social upheaval was likewise encouraged. They suggested merging the Awami League and the Mujib Bahini. Nevertheless, Sheikh Mujib turned down their suggestion and initiated the parliamentary system of governance.

Subsequently, the Seraj Group openly expressed their criticism of the Awami League. They were unsuccessful in their effort to take leadership roles within the party. During the 1972 Awami League council, Serajul Alam Khan and his supporters aimed for Abdur Razzak to become the general secretary. As per the party's constitution, the general secretary held the majority of authority. Serajul Alam Khan's supporters claimed that Sheikh Mujib used political tactics to oust him from this role. A split occurred between Abdur Razzak and Serajul Alam Khan, leading to the appointment of the lesser-known Zillur Rahman as the general secretary. Abdur Razzak took on the role of organizational secretary.

During that period, a significant political ally of Serajul Alam Khan was Sharif Nurul Ambia, a leader of a faction of the JaSoD. He said to Bonik Barta, "A political disagreement existed between Serajul Alam Khan and Sheikh Fazlul Haque Mani. Sheikh Mani felt we should first attain autonomy before considering independence." As a result, individuals who valued autonomy endorsed Sheikh Mani's guidance. We, nonetheless, had faith in freedom. Our independence leader was Serajul Alam Khan. Following independence, we sought Abdur Razzak to be the general secretary of the Awami League. However, Sheikh Mujib selected Zillur Rahman for that role. Additionally, Serajul Alam Khan's nation-building concepts did not agree with Sheikh Mujib's vision. We thought a federal government should be established to restore the nation. The administration, judiciary, and defense must be founded on the strength derived from the Liberation War. However, Sheikh Mujib failed to do that. Rather, to achieve his aspirations, he aligned himself with Sheikh Mani.

Subsequently, the Seraj Group began to condemn the Awami League openly. They were unsuccessful in their efforts to obtain leadership roles within the party. During the 1972 Awami League conference, Serajul Alam Khan and his group supported Abdur Razzak for the position of general secretary. As per the party's constitution, the general secretary held most of the actual power. Supporters of Serajul Alam Khan claimed that Sheikh Mujib engaged in political tactics to oust him from this role. A rift formed between Abdur Razzak and Serajul Alam Khan, leading to appointing the less prominent Zillur Rahman as the general secretary. Abdur Razzak was designated as the organizing secretary (OS).

During that period, Sharif Nurul Ambia, a prominent leader from a faction of the Jasod (National Socialist Party), was one of Serajul Alam Khan's main political supporters. He informed Bangla Barta, "There existed a political disagreement between Serajul Alam Khan and Sheikh Fazlul Haque Mani." Sheikh Mani thought that we should first obtain autonomy, and afterward, we could consider independence. Consequently, those in favor of autonomy endorsed Sheikh Mani's guidance. We, on the other hand, had faith in independence. Serajul Alam Khan was our leader in the fight for independence. Following independence, we sought Abdur Razzak to be the general secretary of the Awami League. However, Sheikh Mujib selected Zillur Rahman for that role. Furthermore, Serajul Alam Khan's concepts for nation-building were inconsistent with Sheikh Mujib's vision. We thought a national government ought to be established to restore the nation. The administration, judiciary, and defense ought to be founded on the power of the Liberation War. However, Sheikh Mujib failed to do that. Rather, to achieve his goals, he allied with Sheikh Mani.

The Seraj Group was slowly squeezed out of Awami League politics. They found it impossible to exert any influence within the party. Throughout this period, they began voicing their opposition to the party's leadership.

In this context, human rights advocate Nur Khan Liton said to Bonik Barta, "Looking at the years between 1963 and 1971, Serajul Alam Khan emerged as the unquestionable leader of the youth." There is no chance to inquire about his actions during this period. The struggle for independence and self-rule emerged in the public eye following the 1970s. Regarding the matter of independence, Serajul Alam Khan was unyielding. Mani Bhai supported the idea of autonomy.

He also said, "Throughout the Liberation War, alongside the Mujib Bahini, Serajul Alam Khan was involved in every political matter that arose. Post-independence, he supported the idea of establishing a national government. Nonetheless, Sheikh Mani disagreed with this. Consequently, the gap between Serajul Alam Khan and Sheikh Fazlul Haque Mani and Sheikh Mujib turned into a strategic advantage for Serajul Alam Khan. Sheikh Mujib failed to handle this issue as proper coordination was required. Conversely, with the involvement of a segment of the student group, the divide between the two factions increased even more. The distance increased not just between the two factions but also with Sheikh Mujib. Consequently, we could not experience the hoped-for result of the Liberation War.

In the middle of 1972, the student branch of the Awami League, Chhatra League, split into two groups: one in favor of Mujibism and the other against it. Serajul Alam Khan headed the faction against Mujibism. In addition, he began voicing his concerns about the corruption within the Awami League and the administration's poor handling. He started promoting and creating a revolutionary government to restore justice to society. Nonetheless, this group faced criticism from the Awami League's top leaders, who described them as extremists, opportunists, and several other derogatory terms.

In June of that year, both factions, headed by Mani and Serajul, discussed farmers' organizations. Nonetheless, Serajul Alam Khan's National Farmers League lacked the support of the party leaders. In the subsequent month, the Seraj Group separated from the Awami League. That month, both groups of the Chhatra League held their annual meetings simultaneously. Both factions claimed that Sheikh Mujib would align with them. Nonetheless, Sheikh Mujib chose to be present at the opening ceremony of Sheikh Mani's group.

Simultaneously, on the final day of the Seraj Group's conference, an assault took place as they were laying wreaths at the Shaheed Minar. After this event, their backers started departing from the Awami League. Two prominent figures of the Constituent Assembly, Khandaker Abdul Malik, and Mosharraf Hossain, also departed from the party and lost their seats in the Assembly. In October that year, a new political party called the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal was established.