November 19, 1990. The three major alliances came together and announced a unified plan to demand the resignation of Hussain Muhammad Ershad’s government. On the other side, Ershad remained stubborn about holding onto power. As the movement intensified, it eventually turned into a mass uprising. During that time, the army, including the then army chief, sided with the protesters. Left with no other choice, Ershad was forced to hand over power.
Fast forward 34 years. In July and August of last year, a student-led movement demanding quota reforms also turned into a mass uprising. This shook the Sheikh Hasina government’s 16-year-long hold on power. From July 16 to August 3, Sheikh Hasina tried different strategies to stay in power. Law enforcement agencies were used to suppress the protests. Despite hundreds of killings, her government failed to stop the movement. Instead, protests became even stronger. At one point, orders were given for the army to open fire. But the military refused to shoot at unarmed civilians. In the end, Sheikh Hasina stepped down and fled the country.
According to analysts, in both mass uprisings after Bangladesh’s independence, the army played a critical role. Their support for the people forced Ershad to resign and drove Sheikh Hasina out of the country. Experts say if the army had not stood by the people the during those times, the country might have seen even worse violence and chaos.
The quota reform movement began in early June last year. Eventually, Dhaka University students organized under the banner of the “Anti-Discrimination Student Movement.” They held protests at TSC, demanding the cancellation of the quota system in government jobs and the reinstatement of the 2018 notification. The protests gained momentum quickly. In Rangpur, Abu Sayed, a student of Begum Rokeya University, was shot dead by the police. When footage of the incident spread online, the protests grew even stronger. As the protests escalated nationwide, attacks and killings of students by law enforcement, as well as members of the Chhatra League and Jubo League, student wing and youth wing of the Awami League party, became common.
With violence against students spreading across the country, the movement shifted to a single demand: the resignation of the Prime Minister. Eventually, even the army was ordered to crack down on the protesters. On August 3, Army Chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman held a meeting with senior officers to gauge their stance. In that meeting, the army decided to stand with the students and the people. On the night before Sheikh Hasina fled the country, General Waker-Uz-Zaman again met with generals. They agreed that soldiers would not fire on civilians to enforce the curfew. This information was later confirmed by two army officers speaking to Reuters.
Speaking to Bonik Barta, retired Major General Imamuzzaman Chowdhury said, “In general, from a professional standpoint, the army’s duty is to support the government. If the army chief doesn’t provide that support, it’s usually seen as a breach of discipline. But in both 1990 and 2024, the army chiefs took a major risk by going against government orders and standing with the people. That’s why the governments couldn’t hold on to power.”
Along with active-duty members, retired army officers also played a key role during that time. On August 4, the day before Sheikh Hasina’s fall, retired military officers held a press conference at the RAOWA Club in Mohakhali, Dhaka. There, they urged the armed forces not to fire on students and civilians. Former Army Chief M Nuruddin Khan said at the press conference, “The damage, suffering, and bloodshed caused by firing on students is heartbreaking. I was reassured by the statement made by General Waker-Uz-Zaman yesterday (August 3). I hope he will stick to that decision. No more blood should be spilled in this country.”
Talking to Bonik Barta about the army’s role in the 2024 mass uprising, retired Lieutenant Colonel Hasinur Rahman said, “Sheikh Hasina ordered the army to open fire, but the army chief refused. That’s what turned the momentum in favor of the students and the public. Not only that, even when tanks were rolled out, people realized that the army would not fire at them. It made the movement even stronger. Meanwhile, retired military officers and their families started organizing marches inside different cantonments, standing firmly with the protesters.”
Back in March 1982, then-Army Chief Hussain Muhammad Ershad ousted the elected government of President Abdus Sattar and seized power. The first protest against Ershad’s rule came from the JaSad Chhatra League at Dhaka University. From that point until Ershad’s downfall, various student organizations played a central role in the movements against him. At the same time, public anger toward Ershad’s military regime kept growing. It all started during the 1982 education movement, when protesting students were killed, sparking a series of events that only strengthened the resistance against his rule.
Dhaka streets erupt in celebration after Ershad’s fall Photo: Shahidul Alam
By October 1990, the movement against Ershad had gained strong momentum. Just a month later, the entire country came to a standstill. Around 24 student organizations kept the movement alive, working together. Many teachers, doctors, and government officials resigned from their jobs to show support, while others went on strike. Sensing the situation was getting out of control, Hussain Muhammad Ershad agreed to sit for peace talks on December 3. But the very next day, hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets of Dhaka, demanding his resignation. Faced with overwhelming public uprising, Ershad was finally forced to step down.
During the 1990 mass uprising, the army chief was Lieutenant General (Retd.) M Nuruddin Khan. At that time, the army made a critical decision not to attack the protesters on behalf of the government.
Back then, Major (Retd.) Manzur Qader served as the State Minister for Water Resources under the Jatiya Party. He said, “By mid-November, the movement had reached its peak. Army Chief M Nuruddin Khan took a stand with the protesters. Ershad realized he could no longer count on the military’s support. As a result, he was forced to hold back the deployment of troops. The day before his fall, Ershad even tried to call the army chief. But he refused to receive the call. In the end, Ershad had no choice but to hand over power constitutionally.”
Manzur Qader also shared, “Right after stepping down, Ershad gave an interview to the BBC, where he expressed his desire to return to power someday. That statement infuriated the students once again. Soon after, Ershad was arrested.”