Not only Ayub Khan but also the authoritarian leaders who came after him relied on the elite CSP and military officials as the main centers of power.

Even Bangladesh, which gained independence through the liberation war, followed the same model of authoritarianism. The most notable examples are the regimes of Hussain Muhammad Ershad and Sheikh Hasina.

With the help of loyal civil servants and military elites, Sheikh Hasina set a record of ruling for a continuous 15 years. Similarly, Ershad ruled for seven years using the same method.

On March 24, 1982, General Hussain Muhammad Ershad, the then Army Chief, took control of the state. He adopted Pakistan's strategy to extend his rule, controlling the military and civil servants by offering various business opportunities and privileges. This strategy was successful for General Ershad.

As per the constitution, civil servants and military officers are supposed to remain neutral in their roles as public servants. However, many loyalists of Sheikh Hasina played a significant role in the higher administration, much like party workers.

HT Imam played a central role in controlling civil servants during Sheikh Hasina's rule, giving it an authoritarian shape. This former CSP officer was appointed as her adviser on public administration after forming the government in 2009. In 2014, he was given the role of political adviser.

HT Imam was the first Cabinet Secretary of independent Bangladesh. Throughout the Awami League governments, he played a leading role in politicizing the country's administrative system and using it for political purposes. There was no secrecy about this.

In 2014, at an event at Dhaka University, he told Bangladesh Chhatra League activists about joining government service, saying, "You pass the written exams first, then we will see."

HT Imam is also considered the mastermind behind creating the senior secretary position to form a loyal group of top civil servants and reward them. In the civil administration structure, there was no such position as senior secretary. It was created as a tool for prize postings by an executive order from Sheikh Hasina's government on January 9, 2012.

In the early years of Sheikh Hasina's rule, HT Imam was supported by several other CSP officers in making the public administration loyal to the Awami League rather than the state. Experts say these former influential CSP officers turned the bureaucracy into a supportive force for authoritarian rule.

The position of chief secretary to the Prime Minister was reserved for the most loyal senior bureaucrats. Eight bureaucrats held this position during the last 15 years of the previous government. Each one became controversial for various reasons.

Instead of fulfilling state duties, they often prioritized the personal will of the ousted former prime minister during the popular uprising. In return, they were rewarded in various ways. Some are also accused of actively bringing the Awami League to power before the 1/11 incident.

Like Pakistan, a similar process of extending power using a legal framework was seen during Sheikh Hasina's rule. As part of this, the caretaker government system was abolished using a politicized administration and judiciary. The 2011 ruling of the Appellate Division, led by 19th Chief Justice ABM Khairul Haque, is considered to have determined the course of Sheikh Hasina's governance for the next 10 years.

To maintain his rule, Ayub Khan relied heavily on West Pakistani bureaucrats, leading to their dominance in the bureaucracy. Similarly, during Sheikh Hasina's tenure, proof of loyalty to the Awami League was a precondition for officer appointments, even after passing the BCS or other civil service exams.

Ayub Khan also integrated Pakistan's military into the bureaucracy in various ways. This centralization made the system highly dependent on the bureaucracy. Ayub's excessive reliance on the bureaucracy institutionalized corruption. While low-ranking soldiers were investigated for economic scandals under military rule, high-ranking officials were left unpunished. The same applied to bureaucrats in the civil administration.

In Bangladesh, there have been allegations that the last three election commissions paved the way for Sheikh Hasina's government to return to power through controversial elections. The loyal bureaucrats, police, and military officers played a key role in implementing this at the grassroots level.

The five-member Election Commission, led by Kazi Rakib Uddin Ahmad, served from February 9, 2012, to February 8, 2017. Under this commission, the 10th National Parliamentary Election was held on January 5, 2014, without opposition parties. This election sparked widespread controversy both domestically and internationally.

In 2018, the 11th National Parliamentary Election was held under the KM Nurul Huda Commission. During this time, allegations arose that ballot boxes were filled on the night before voting began with the collaboration of Sheikh Hasina's loyalists in the bureaucracy, police, and military. This election later became infamous as the "Night Vote."

In this context, Badiul Alam Majumdar, a member of the National Consensus Commission, told Bonik Barta, "Authoritarian rulers in Pakistan relied on military and civilian bureaucrats. This was evident during Ayub Khan's rule. Ayub focused on promoting development, not democracy. Similarly, Sheikh Hasina's authoritarian rule also focused on development. However, what she did to destroy the election system is something Ayub Khan never did. Everything was destroyed after coming to power through the 2008 election (despite controversies surrounding it). Moreover, military and civilian bureaucrats didn't just act as participants; Sheikh Hasina bought their loyalty by offering various benefits. These officials became embroiled in corruption."

In recent years, Major General (retd) Tarique Ahmed Siddique has been seen as one of the key pillars of the Awami League government's power. He had previously worked in a senior position in an important intelligence agency. From 2009 to 2024, he served as the Prime Minister's security adviser. He introduced politics into the military during this time and extensively politicized it. He has also been accused of obstructing the careers of many talented officers. His name has been discussed multiple times in connection with enforced disappearances. In 2019, Al Jazeera reported allegations of forced disappearances involving Tariq Ahmed Siddique. Multiple former military officials claim he played a key role in establishing the secret prison known as "Ayna Ghar."

The Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances submitted a report titled "Unfolding the Truth." The commission's members reviewed 758 complaints out of 1,676 cases. The commission found evidence of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's involvement in instructing disappearances. Several senior officials from her government were also implicated, including Major General (retd) Tarique Ahmed Siddique, former director-general of the National Telecommunications Monitoring Center (NTMC) Major General Ziaul Ahsan, and police officers Mohammad Monirul Islam and Mohammad Harun ur Rashid.

Former Army Chief General (retd) Aziz Ahmed played a major role in strengthening the power of the Awami League. He served as the Chief of Army Staff from June 25, 2018, to June 23, 2021.

There are allegations that he misused his power to bring the Awami League government to power in the 12th National Parliamentary Election. He is also accused of helping his brother, listed as one of the top criminals in police records, avoid punishment for criminal activities.

Further accusations suggest that he was involved in significant corruption through interference in regular procedures. He and his brother allegedly worked together to secure military contracts unfairly and took bribes in exchange for government appointments.

A special intelligence agency was crucial in keeping the Sheikh Hasina government in power. There are accusations that this agency was involved in the abduction of several key individuals to influence the 2014 election results. According to human rights organizations, at least a hundred people were forcibly disappeared during this period.

Lieutenant General (retd) Sheikh Mamun Khaled served as the Director-General of this intelligence agency from 2011 to 2013.

Later, the issue of forced disappearances continued, particularly involving opposition leaders and activists. According to the human rights organization Odhikar, over 250 people disappeared in the following years.

Major General (retd) Akbar Hossain served as the agency's Director-General from 2013 to 2017. The number of disappearances related to the 2018 election was higher than ever in the past.

Major General (retd) Md Saiful Abedin served as the agency's director-general from 2017 to February 2020.

The National Telecommunications Monitoring Centre (NTMC), under the Ministry of Home Affairs' Public Safety Division, began its operations on January 31, 2013.

From March 6, 2017, Major General (retd) Ziaul Ahsan served as the Director-General of NTMC. During this time, he oversaw government surveillance of citizens' phone calls, internet communications, and various communication apps.

The agency gathered data to control opposition views through harassment, arrests, forced disappearances, and even killings.

Kazi Mahbobor Rahman, a professor in the Department of Political Science at Dhaka University, told Bonik Barta, "In both Ayub Khan's and Sheikh Hasina's cases, the military and bureaucrats worked together to delay democracy and help authoritarian rulers stay in power. Violating people's rights, silencing voices, and undermining basic democracy were the responsibilities of Ayub's government. During his time, there was little development in East Pakistan, but he focused on Islamabad-centered development in West Pakistan. He declared the decade as one of development. Sheikh Hasina also emphasizes development."

He further stated, "In Bangladesh, a few military and civilian bureaucrats, through a syndicate, have kept Sheikh Hasina in power. The military, as an institution, did not keep her in power. It was a few individuals, both military and civilian, who personally benefited and kept her in power."