The first protests came from students in East Bengal, with women students and political activists playing a significant role. They protested on the streets and actively worked to establish an intellectual foundation for the movement.
Even before Jinnah's speech, female students in East Bengal were vocal about making Bengali the state language. On January 31, 1948, at an all-party meeting in the Bar Library in Dhaka, Mahbuba Khatun, a student at Eden College, declared that the women of Bengal would shed their blood, if necessary, to establish Bengali as the state language. In mid-March, several female students were injured in a police baton charge while protesting for Bengali as the state language. Female members of the Muslim League in the legislature strongly opposed their own party's stance.
At that time, Hamida Selim, a student at Michael Madhusudan College in Jashore, wrote an article in the communist party's publication, Swadhinata, strongly arguing for Bengali as the state language. The Tamaddun Majlish was founded on September 2, 1948, to intensify the movement further. The female members of the founding family of Abul Kashem played a major role. They actively contributed to the publication of Sainik, the mouthpiece of the language movement. Women across districts outside Dhaka also contributed to the movement's momentum. For instance, in Sylhet, Begum Zobeda Khatun, Hazera Mahmud, and Rokeya Begum played crucial roles in forming the "Rashtrabhasa Sangram Parishad."
On February 21, 1952, female language activists broke Section 144. Women students, including Rowshan Ara Bacchu, were at the forefront of breaking the police barricades. Many women language activists were injured that day due to police baton charges and tear gas. Notable among them were Rawshan Ara Bacchu, Sara Tayfur, Borkha Shamsun, Sufia Ibrahim, Suraiya Dolly, and Suraiya Hakim.
These women faced severe torture and oppression for their roles. Along with physical torture, the rulers of the time subjected them to various mental and familial pressures. Many of them even had their academic careers cut short.
Despite their crucial role in the 1952 Language Movement, there has been little public discussion about these women language activists. Their names, struggles, and sacrifices have largely been forgotten.
The mass uprising of 2024 is considered the largest mass movement in history after independence. This movement, which began as a demand for quota reform, became a mass uprising, with female students playing a major role. There is little discussion about the role of women in the mass uprisings of 2024, like the language movement. Some fear that even the women activists of 2024, like the 1952, may fade into oblivion.
After the mass uprising, three representatives of the student protesters joined the interim government as advisers. Initially, the question of not having a single woman among them was raised. In the past six months, the contribution of women has rarely been discussed in all the discussions that have taken place in various public spaces about the events of the July movement and the uprising.
The quota reform movement began at the end of June last year following a High Court ruling. By mid-July, the movement intensified across the country. On July 15, students protesting at Dhaka University were attacked. Female students were at the front, and they were the first to be attacked. In the following days, women were at the forefront of the protests across the country, holding flags and placards, creating a stir. The center of the movement in the capital was Shahbagh. Many female students were in the front row at every rally and meeting. Women were often seen leading the slogans during protests.
Former student leader Umme Habiba Benazir told Bonik Barta, "The movement gained momentum when women stepped forward in July's uprising. But after the movement, the presence of women somehow faded away. The government formed through the mass uprising must play a key role in bringing women's leadership to the forefront through various measures."
In 2024's movement against the quota system, women students acted as catalysts, changing the movement's momentum. That night, students from Ruqayyah Hall were the first to break the hall's lock and step outside. They emerged with steel plates, spoons, and spatulas, raising their voices. The air was filled with their slogans. Soon, female students from other halls joined them and gathered in front of the Shontrash Birodhi Raju Sharokh Bhashkorjo (Anti-terrorism Raju Memorial Sculpture). The message of the movement quickly spread across the country through social media. The movement reached other campuses the same night. On most campuses, female students broke out of their halls and participated in the protests.
Samantha Sharmin, spokesperson for the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, told Bonik Barta, "Women have played significant roles in every struggle in Bangladesh's history. However, women are often absent after a struggle when it comes to building things. It is presented as if women are unwilling to join, but that is untrue. The political culture here is very old-fashioned. The system, especially in politics, works in a way that hinders women's progress. An example is 'bhaiyer rajneeti' (brothers' politics). Women do not find comfort in politics centered around the 'brothers of power.' Instead, women engage in politics from their responsibilities, aiming to improve society and the nation. However, the structural problems in politics severely disrupt their participation. After the July uprising, the Nagorik Committee has been working on this issue. Our goal is to make women capable. We are moving forward with training, seminars, and various programs for this. Where needed, the politics of responsibility, not power, should be prioritized."
Women in East Bengal started becoming active in politics in the late 19th century. They made significant contributions to the 1905 Petition of Bengal movement. Over time, women took frontline roles in protests and led movements. During the British era, women like Leela Nag, a student from Dhaka University and associate of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose; Kalpana Dutta, an associate of Masterda Surya Sen; Pritilata Waddedar; Ila Mitra, the leader of the Tebhaga movement, Kumudini Hajong, and Rashmoni Hajong, were shining examples of female leadership in politics.
Taslima Akhter, the Bangladesh Garment Workers' Unity president, told Bonik Barta, "Women have participated in all of Bangladesh's movements. Sometimes with weapons, sometimes without. During the 1971 movement, many women fought and supported freedom fighters by cooking meals for them. Women played a key role in the July uprising, too. However, in the future, women must define their place in politics. They must create their space through their work. We cannot expect men to create that space for us. Though women's participation in the workforce has increased in our society, they are still far behind in intellectual thinking, leadership, and decision-making. In these areas, women must work together to define their place for the future."